Not all Romani (Gypsies) qualify as refugees in Canada
Romani (also called Roma) which both are plural and singular)
are widely known among English-speaking people by the title as
Gypsies originated in Northwest
India and arrived in Mid-West Asia, then Europe at
least 1,000 years ago. Romani are widely dispersed, with their largest
concentrated populations in Europe, especially in Central and Eastern Europe
and they are also in Turkey, Spain, and Southern
France.
Since the nineteenth century, some Romani have also migrated
to the Americas. There are an estimated one million Romani
in the United States; and
800,000 in Brazil, most of whose ancestors emigrated in the nineteenth century
from Eastern Europe. Brazil also includes Romani descended from people deported
by the government of Portugal during the Inquisition in the colonial era. In migrations since the late
nineteenth century, the Romani have also moved to countries in South America
and Canada.
The Romani have been outsiders for centuries both in Europe and the
Western hemisphere. They have been referred to as the wanderers, the exotic
ones, fortune tellers and thieves and are classed by non-Romani as members of a
social underclass. For this reason, they also have a history of not
assimilating into other cultures which my opinion isn’t entirely their fault. People
who are ostracized tend to keep to themselves. The Romani seem to have a rather tarnished
reputation by non-Romani who don’t spare any criticism when it comes to
describing the Romani misdemeanors.
it is very difficult for the Romani to get a job in some
parts of the EU (European Union). Generally, companies will not hire a Romani
under any circumstances out of fear that the Romani employees will steal from
them. In some parts of the EU, the Romani are shoved into ghettos with no way
out. Yes, some steal. They do it because they have families to feed, including
themselves. Think about it. If you were denied an education and denied gainful
employment would you let yourself, your mate, and children starve? I think not. You would probably steal to
survive. Admittedly, not all UE
countries treat the Romani in this manner.
During the Second World War, A great many
Romani were sentenced to forced labor and imprisonment in concentration camps. They
were also marked for extermination by the Nazis and the Ustaša
(then in Yugoslavia) by an embarked systematic genocide of the Romani—a process known in
Romani as the Porajmos. They were often killed on sight, especially by
the Einsatzgruppen (mobile killing units) on the Eastern Front. The total
number of murdered victims has been variously estimated at between 220,000 to
1,500,000; even the lowest number would make the Porajmos one of the largest mass killings of the Romani in history.
After the war, in Czechoslovakia, they were labeled
as a socially degraded part of the population of that country. Romani women
were forcibly sterilized as part of a state policy to reduce the Romani
population. This policy was also implemented with denying them future welfare
payments.
In the summer of
2010, French authorities demolished at least 51 illegal Roma camps and began
the process
of repatriating the Romani to their
countries of origin.
Hungary was Canada's biggest source of refugee
applicants last year with 4,442 claimants—the majority of which are believed to
be Romani who were a stateless ethnic group from Hungary. Almost all of their claims seeking refuge in
Canada were rejected or their claims were abandoned.
I am going to tell you about a court case that
recently gave a ruling on a Romani who came to Canada from Hungary seeking
refugee status in Canada. His
name is Mario Gyula Varga and his case was heard before Mr. Justice Harrington in
a Canadian Federal Court. The Immigration and Refugee Board of Canada wanted him deported from Canada.
There was a gnawing question that was before the court. “What does it take to be a refugee? Is it enough to
simply prove that one is a Hungarian Romani?” If that is so, then it would be
that Hungary abuses the Romani in that country. But do
they? Before I take you to the court case, I want to give you more information
about the Romani in Hungary.
It has been
estimated that there are between 450,000 and 1,000,000 Romani living in
Hungary. There is a sizable Romani minority living in Budapest, the capital of Hungary.
The United
Nations High Commission on Refugees says that the living conditions for
Romani in Hungary are significantly worse than for the rest of the population.
Romani unemployment is estimated at 70 per cent, 10 times the national average. Whereas almost half
of Hungarian secondary school students enroll in vocational secondary schools
or comprehensive grammar schools, which provide better opportunities, only one
in five Romani children do. Moreover, the drop-out rate in secondary schools is
significant. Slightly more than
80% of Romani children completed primary education, but only one-third
continued studies into the intermediate (secondary) level. This is far lower
than the more than 90% of children of non-Romani families who continue studies
at an intermediate level. Less than 1% of Romani hold higher educational
certificates.
Much of the Romani
population is quite poor. The main reason is that they are not provided with
fair and equal access to educational resources, resulting in high unemployment,
so as a result, there is a perpetual cycle of poverty that keeps them from
social mobility.
On March 1, 2011,
at least 2,000 members of a right-wing paramilitary group called the Civil Guard Association for a Better Future
rolled into a sleepy former coal-mining village that is 80 kilometres east of
Budapest. About 450 of Gyongyospata’s 2,800 residents are Romani Wearing black
uniforms and hats, they pledged to help police maintain law and order and stamp
out Gypsy criminality. The paramilitary members lingered in front of Romani
homes in Gyongyospata with snarling dogs, lit torches and whips. They waved red
and white flags similar to those flown by the Arrow Cross Party, Nazi
sympathizers during World War II. One paramilitary member screamed in a scene
that was captured on mobile phone video and later showed to a visitor. “Dirty
Gypsies! We should exterminate all the Roma and their children.”
Another paramilitary
group called the Vedero arrived in Gyongyospata in mid-April, its members
wearing camouflage fatigues and red berets. It promised to set up a training
camp a stone’s throw from a row of Roma homes. Vedero’s leaders invited
Hungarian teens to show up with pellet guns and boxing gloves.
“We were
terrified,” said Janos Berki, 42, a Romani father of four who has lived in
Gyongyospata his whole life. “The paramilitaries followed us when we took our
kids to school, screaming at us and threatening us. It got so bad that we sent
the kids away to stay with relatives in another village.”
On April 22, after nearly two months of inaction by police, the
Hungarian Red Cross arrived with six buses and evacuated 277 Roma women and
children. Péter Szijjártó,
spokesman for the Hungarian prime minister, stated that this was not an
evacuation but an organized vacation. Zoltan Balog, a justice ministry official, said
the Romani were on “a scheduled holiday” for Easter. What a misstatement
that was. The Red Cross also denied that it was an evacuation, stating the trip
was requested by the Romani community for the Easter holidays. Another misstatement. However, according
to Radio Free Europe, they said in a
statement that “This is the first time the Hungarian Red Cross has organized
the evacuation of Hungarian civilians threatened by paramilitary activities
since the Second World War.”
The Vedero camp was
eventually closed on the 22nd of April, and the members of the Vedero
left the area. Four days later, some of the members returned to Gyöngyöspata,
resulting in a fight between the local Romani and the Vedero that left four
people injured.
Perhaps more remarkable than the outpouring of
hate by the Vedero was the reaction of the police and the Hungarian government which
was silence by both. Human rights activists who tracked the event say the
paramilitaries were ignored by the authorities for more than a month.
Lydia Gall, a Human
Rights Watch researcher who studies Central Europe said, “Hungary is
supposed to be a European Union country but travel to any Roma community and
you will see people living in poverty like in sub-Saharan Africa and [subjected
to] racial attacks with no one brought to justice,”
Many Romani would like to
come to Canada but Canada’s
government doesn’t believe that the vast majority of Hungarian Romani are in
imminent danger. Citizenship and Immigration Minister Jason Kenney had said
that most Roma claiming that they are refugees, travel to Canada to exploit
social programs, including welfare, subsidized public housing, health care, the
low-income tax rebate and the child-tax benefit. He said, “When they’re done
taking advantage Canada’s goodwill, the Roma return to Hungary.”
Those numbers of
Romani refugees are about shrink. Would-be refugees from those countries where
refugees lived will soon have only 15 days to file a personal information form
outlining their claim instead of the current 30 days. And they will have to
prepare for a hearing in 30 days, instead of the several months they currently
have.
I would be remiss
if I didn’t say that such a law is unfair and ridiculous. There’s just no way that those refugees can get
supporting documentation like medical and police reports within that time
period. Getting those documents from the United States can take more than six
weeks. Now the Citizenship and Immigration Department of Canada want those
documents in less than 15 days from Hungary?
Further, there are only a very small minority of
recent high-profile criminal cases staining the reputation of the 40,000 Roma
who now live in Canada.
Now I will take you directly to the court case of Mario Gyula Varga.
The Board member, who heard Mr. Varga’s case, as
well as that of his mother and half-brother, dismissed his application on two
grounds: their credibility and state protection provided by the Hungarian
government.
Varga’s
application, together with that of his mother, Agnes Kiss, and his
half-brother, Rafael Kiss, were heard together. Two grounds were asserted. They
were all victims of domestic violence at the hands of Varga’s father, who had
been Ms. Kiss’ common-law partner until 1999. They also feared persecution by
the Hungarian Guard, or its
successors, Neo-Nazis and skinheads.
While the
Member’s finding that Varga was not at serious risk from his father, her
findings of credibility in that regard had considerable bearing on her doubts
that the racially motivated attacks he recounted actually occurred.
During the
hearing, Varga vacillated back and forth with respect to his relationship with
his father, who indeed assisted him in obtaining a passport for him. He, now an
adult, conceded that he did not personally fear his father but rather feared
for his mother and younger brother who are living in Canada. What could Varga
do in Canada that the police in Canada couldn`t do in protecting them?
One incident of
note is that Mr. Varga’s father beat his mother some years after they had
separated. She complained to the police and a criminal charge was laid. It
appears that the matter did not proceed because although subpoenaed, Mr.
Varga’s father did not appear in court. It seems he could not be
convicted in absentia. Ms. Kiss was unable to provide the
authorities with his then current address. This may have happened in Hungary
but she now lives in Canada.
He claimed that
one of the reasons he is no longer in touch with his father is because (a
variation on an old theme) his dog ate his cell phone in which his father’s number
was stored. Give me a break. Why would a dog eat a cell phone? A crocodile
might but not a dog. His credibility was properly put in doubt.
Turning to
matters of race discrimination, the Member found, quite justifiably, that
Varga’s story improved with time. It began by him being bullied at school. He
was then attacked and spent time in a hospital. He reported his attack to the
doctors. They, or he, may have reported it in turn to the police. They may or
may not have taken a report. He claims his efforts to obtain a copy of the
medical report were futile. The judge concluded that it was not unreasonable
for the Member to reject that allegation.
The Member was
not satisfied that the attacks asserted by Varga actually occurred.
Consequently, there was nothing in his past history in Hungary which would
suggest that he would be personally at risk if he was returned to Hungary since
he is no longer a young school student.
Although some people
are concerned with current trends, Hungary is a functioning democracy, and it
was incumbent upon Varga to establish with clear and convincing evidence that
the Hungarian authorities were unwilling
or unable to protect him in a meaningful way.
The Member
agreed that there was a report where the European
Roma Rights Centre registered 61 attacks against Romani or their property
between January 2008 and September 2012 Hungary. She added that there may well
have been under-reporting. She also said that there is a rise of right wing
extremist groups such as the disbanded Hungarian
Guard and the rhetoric of one particular party called the Jobbik.
She also agreed
that there were local failures to provide effective policing but this does not
amount to a lack of state protection unless it is part of a broader pattern of
state inability or refusal to provide protection. There was no such pervasive
evidence of that occurring in Hungary in her opinion. She said that there was
evidence of the police in Hungary putting an end to the marching of vigilante
groups and the persecution of those involved in racial acts of violence.
The Member did
not simply rely on good intentions on the part of the Hungarian authorities,
which have not come to fruition, but concluded that there is, objectively, at
the present time, adequate state protection for minorities such as the Romani. The judge agreed with the Member’s conclusion.
The judge in
his final conclusion of this case said, “A Board member is entitled to
deference, even if another member might have come to a different conclusion.
That, in itself, does not make the decision under review unreasonable. I find that it (the member’s decision) is.”
Varga’s application for judicial review was dismissed which means that he
can be deported back to Hungary unless he files an appeal to the Federal Court
of Appeal.
If he files an appeal,
I will later give you an UPDATE on the court’s decision.
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