Should
Canada fight for its citizens on death rows in other nations?
On
July 14, 1976, the House of Commons voted to strike capital punishment
from the Canadian Criminal Code. The
road to abolition had been a long one. The first time a member of Parliament
had introduced an anti-capital punishment bill was 1914, and several more such
bills would be shot down over the following decades. After 120 years, and 710
executions, Canada’s capital punishment laws were pretty well-ingrained into
judicial society
I had a hand in bringing about the abolition
of capital punishment in Canada. I sent to parliament a report in which an
innocent man was executed for the murder of a five-year-old child. In the
course of my investigation into that case, I found evidence that his lawyer was
legally insane when he attempted to defended the man at his trial, before the
Ontario Court of Appeal and before the Supreme Court of Canada. Further, I
spoke to the dead girl’s aunt and she told me that the police acknowledged that
they arrested and charged the wrong man. The real murderer was later sent to a
hospital for the insane and would not be brought to trial. I was later told
that my report was given to every member of the House of Commons and the
Canadian Senate. Forty members wrote me to personally thank me for my report and
after receiving the report, the former prime minister of Canada, Diefenbaker
spoke to me personally and said that when he read my report, he called his
caucus together to discuss my report. My basic premise was about the risk of
executing innocent persons. One of the members of the House of Commons quoted a
statement I had written in my report in which he explained my concern about
Canada executing innocent persons.
Wrongful convictions are feared in
cases involving executions. The United States has had a great many persons on
death row released from prison because it turned out that they were entirely
innocent of the crimes they were charged with. Other nations also had released
innocent persons from their death rows.
Newly available DNA evidence has allowed the exoneration and release of more than 17 death row inmates since 1992 in the United States. DNA evidence is
available in only a fraction of capital cases. Others have been released on the
basis of weak cases against them, sometimes involving prosecutorial misconduct;
resulting in acquittal at retrial, with charges dropped. The Death Penalty Information Center (U.S.) has published a list of 10 inmates "executed but
possibly innocent".[6] At least 39 executions are claimed to
have been carried out in the face of evidence of innocence or serious doubt
about guilt. This is one of the reasons why I advocate the abolition of capital
punishment everywhere if there is a possibility that the accused is innocent.
Canada however continues to fight for the
lives of its citizens sentenced to death in all countries, including
the U.S. But should Canada fight on behalf of some of those citizens who
have been condemned to death for murder in the first degree where the evidence
clearly proves that the person condemned actually caused the murder of another
person or persons?
Canada’s Foreign Affairs Minister, Stéphane Dion announced a
change in Canada’s policy on the death penalty in other countries on February
15th as he met with the United Nations’ top human rights official.
The move effectively reverses one of the previous Conservative government’s
earliest and most contentious foreign policies.
Dion also revealed plans to travel to Geneva at the end of
February to address the UN Human Rights Council, as Canada looks to re-engage
with its troubled human rights system.
Successive Canadian governments had automatically sought
clemency for all Canadians sentenced to death by a foreign court. But that came
to an end in 2007, when the Conservative government said it would begin asking
for clemency on a case-by-case basis.
The Conservatives said Canadians who commit crimes such as
murder in a democratic country that adheres to the rule of law should not count
on the government to help. Human rights groups and opposition parties said the
Conservatives were effectively condoning the death penalty, which Canada
abolished in 1976.
In an interview Monday, Dion accused the Conservatives of
“sending the message that Canada was not very sure we were against the death
penalty, because we were ready to accept the death penalty under some
circumstances. We were picking and choosing.”
Aside from running contrary to domestic policy in Canada,
Dion said the Conservatives’ position made it more difficult to successfully
advocate for clemency in those situations when the government decided to act.
Dion also said, “Our
credibility to be able to get clemency was negatively affected. In order to be
able to maximize the possibility that you will get clemency for some, you need
to ask for clemency for all.”
Dion was extremely critical
of capital punishment during the interview. Aside from the risk of innocent
people being mistakenly sentenced to die, he said the death penalty “is not
something that should be done in a civilized society, because a civilized
society is looking for justice and not vengeance.”
Some will interpret that as
criticism of the U.S. But Dion defended his comment, noting that “many
Americans will agree with me.” He added that the majority of states don’t
execute inmates. While the death penalty is legal in 31 states, moratoriums are
in place in 20 of them.
Dion was extremely critical of capital punishment during the
interview. Aside from the risk of innocent people being mistakenly sentenced to
die, he said the death penalty “is not something that should be done in a
civilized society, because a civilized society is looking for justice and not
vengeance.”
Some people will interpret that as criticism of the U.S. But
Dion defended his comment, noting that “many Americans will agree with me.” He
added that the majority of states don’t execute inmates. While the death
penalty is legal in 31 states, moratoriums are in place in 20.
Alex Neve, the head of Amnesty International Canada,
applauded the government’s move, calling it a “renewal” of Canada’s commitment
to human rights abroad. He said the first beneficiary should be Ronald Smith,
an Alberta man on death row in Montana whose case was directly affected by the
Tories’ policy.
Dion also announced that Canada will be redoubling its
support for the UN’s controversial human rights system, as he hosted UN High
Commissioner for Human Rights Zeid Ra’ad Al Hussein. It was the first such
visit by the UN’s top human rights official since 2006.
Canada will contribute $15 million over three years to help
UN Office of the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights, which Al Hussein heads,
investigate and report on human rights violations abroad. That is about double
what Canada has given each year since 2013.
Dion also said he plans to travel to Geneva at the end of
the month to address the UN Human Rights Council which has been steeped in
controversy since it was established in 2006.
Ostensibly the UN’s leading organization
for advancing human rights abroad, the council came under fire in September
after members elected Saudi Arabia as its chair. The council has also spent a
disproportionate amount of time and energy condemning Israel, while ignoring
human rights violations elsewhere.
The Supreme
Court of Canada in which it was found that extradition of individuals to places where they may face the death penalty is a breach of fundamental justice undersection 7 of the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms. The decision reached this
conclusion through a discussion of evidence regarding the arbitrary nature of
execution, although the Court did not go so far as to say execution was also
unconstitutional under section 12 of the Charter, which forbids cruel
and unusual punishments.
Should some condemned persons be spared the death penalty?
Consider
the fate of Andrew Grant DeYoung, 37, who was
pronounced dead on July 21, 2011 at 8:04 p.m. local time, according to the Georgia Department of
Corrections. He was convicted of fatally
stabbing his parents and 14-year-old sister in their suburban Atlanta home in
1993. According to court documents, he had hoped to inherit his parents'
estimated $480,000 estate for the purpose of starting a business. The evidence
against him was overwhelming.
Consider the case of two Canadian citizens, Glen Sebastian Burns and Atif
Ahmad Rafay, who were accused of murdering Rafay's family by the police department in Bellevue,
Washington. After returning to Canada, Burns and Rafay confessed to undercover Royal
Canadian Mounted Police that they committed the murders. After the
investigation was complete, Burns and Rafay claimed their confessions were
fabricated, but government plans were nevertheless made to extradite them.
Their extradition would be possible through an extradition treaty under which
the Minister
of Justice for Canada may seek assurances that the
fugitive accused would not be subject to the death penalty. However, the Canadian Minister of Justice did not seek assurances in this particular case.
Extradition of Canadian murderers
might breach fundamental justice because according to precedent in Canada v
Schmidt, if the harm faced by the extradited persons is serious
enough, that it shocks
the moral conscience of the Canadian population. For example, hanging a condemned
person where he or she drops only a foot and subsequently strangles to death is
unacceptable to Canadians. The Canadian
authorities would never extradite someone to a country that executes people in
that manner. Further, the Canadian
authorities would never extradite someone who is facing the death penalty in
another country whose alleged crime is simply political.
I am in favour of executing terrorists and I made that clear
when I addressed two UN crime conferences. I am much in favour of the United
States intention to execute the lone surviving
terrorist who planted the bomb in the Boston marathon.
I am also in favour of the execution of adults
who murder children, be it their own or those of others. Anyone who tortures
someone to death should also be executed.
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